{"blyg":"0.4","id":"6f8wfp78mcnat9yr6fzv1t18q6","kind":"thread","origin":"https://blyg.florianlohse.com/","page":"t/6f8wfp78mcnat9yr6fzv1t18q6/","author":{"name":"Florian Lohse","url":"https://florianlohse.com/"},"created":"2026-10-31T06:33:50Z","updated":"2026-10-31T08:57:14Z","version":2,"content_md":"# Flavors of Capitalism\nIn \"The Relentless Revolution - A History of Capitalism\", Joyce Appleby set out to demonstrate that the thing we call Capitalism today is not a necessity that had to happen, but rather a very specific economic paradigm, shaped by its location of origin (18th century England) and a range of historic coincidences. For Appleby, today’s Capitalism is not \"inexorable, inevitable or destined\" but a surprising detour from a  relatively stable economic order that reigned for several millennia.  \nI like this premise, as it favors [contingency over the more often used agency- and structure-focused approaches to history](https://nilsgilman.substack.com/p/thinking-historically-about-the-future). \n\nReading the book I realized I really needed an updated in 18th and 19th century history (in particular in regards to the US). And in relation to Appleby's intention I realized that my understanding of \"Capitalism\" indeed was a very naturalized one.\n\nSo going back to square one and asking \"What is Capitalism?\", this is what I took from Appleby as a universal and culture-neutral definition: \n1) Capitalism requires *capital*, which is private Money invested expecting a profit, instead of Money being spend or hoarded\n2) Capitalism generates *profits* by transforming production itself, instead of mere trading of goods from a stable production apparatus\n3) Capital-driven economies are called Capital-*ism* when investment is the primary society-shaping force\n\nTo arrive at what we have today, there is a whole lot of contingent elements we have to add:\n- the teleological claim that all nations were climbing some kind of developmental ladder towards the anglo-saxon machine age ideal\n- the idea that markets should be free and self-regulated\n- consumer-culture as a key driver of economic growth\n- the internalization of capitalist investment logics and personal risk-taking as a mainstream mindset of self-improvement and wanting \"more\" -> this is where Appleby rejects Adam Smiths framing of these traits as innate human nature\n- the organizational concept of big-corporate serving as independent legal entitites with limited liability and a professional managerial class\n- the specific cultural biases of the US settler mindset: weak governments, appreciation of homogenized material culture,  cheap labor provided by slaves and immigrants\n- burning composted dinosaurs to boost everything even further\n\nIf we zoom in on the words, this is how it could be distinguished:\n- **capitalism** = the universal, culture-neutral technical definition from above\n- **Capitalism** = the naturalized brandname of the English/US-flavored capitalism that has dominated the 19th and 20th century\n- **this-kind-of-capitalism** = a construction that signifies contingency of one historic form of capitalism\nA nice aspect: *capitalisms* works as plural, but *Capitalisms* seem impossible (thanks to Claude for this one).\n\nNow Appleby also contrasts Capitalism™️ against other capitalisms. We may consider this as alternative contingency layers put on top of the capitalist core idea. \n\nThroughout the book, Germany is frequently used as example for such an alternative flavour, with some essential differences:\n- German capitalism relied more on financing by large national banks than on stock markets, with a more patient longterm investment motivation and often shared equity interests\n- Early German capitalism relied more on deep research based scientific specialization, enabled by an integrated ecosystem of state-funded university education, laboratories and corporations cooperating. In contrast, US and UK (at least initially) seem to have focused less on deep tech and more on boosting productivity\n- German capitalism gave cartels a legal status, serving to stabilize prices in the market by coordination between cartel members. This softened the turmoils of competition, reduced mergers into giant corporations but also reduced innovative impulses\n- German welfare laws reduced the pressure for workers to emigrate to the US. This made firing people much harder and created a cushion for workers that were let go\n- Germany also developed the GmbH (private limited liability companies) to support a diversity of middle sized businesses and prevent heavy consolidation in single sectors\n- post-war Germany developed its own version of Big Corporate, with more comitee- than individual-genius-driven decision making\n\nThis characterisation of German flavoured capitalism fascinates me. Most of these traits are still active today and combined, these shape the way German economy works, showing both its specific strengths and weaknesses. At the one hand, German capitalism has lots of features that soften the worst edges of unregulated competition and capital accumulation. On the other hand, these specifics also create a dampening effect to the upsides of this economic system. The floor and the ceiling are less distant in the German version of capitalism.\n\nIt strikes me that the German specifics of capitalism are much more present in German mainstream discourse than the universal features of vanilla capitalism. While I know about the advantages of all the buffering elements in the German economy, I now see the disadvantages of this specific perspective more clearly. I think the German understanding of Capitalism has largely formed around \"taming\", \"prevention\" and \"protection\" against an ambigous force that might sweep away everything. I think the intuitive position of the average German would probably considered strongly *anti*-capitalist by US-american standards. Which is really weird, because the average German is also super conservative and considers a left-wing mayor in Berlin a greater thread to society than having fascists rule an entire state in Eastern Germany.\n\nTo me it seems that an intuitive understanding of the core traits of capitalism (leverage private investment into transforming the modes of production) is only present within a relatively small business- and capital-adjacent elite that is so smug that the last economy-liberal party (FDP) representing this group has now disappeared into oblivion after years of embarrassing themselves with hypocritical takes on meritocracy.\n\nReading *The Relentless Revolution* has changed my understanding of German economy in an interesting way. I now have a greater appreciation for the kinds of grass-roots capitalist economic acumen that I often observed by folks from the UK and US.","content_html":"<h1>Flavors of Capitalism</h1>\n<p>In &quot;The Relentless Revolution - A History of Capitalism&quot;, Joyce Appleby set out to demonstrate that the thing we call Capitalism today is not a necessity that had to happen, but rather a very specific economic paradigm, shaped by its location of origin (18th century England) and a range of historic coincidences. For Appleby, today’s Capitalism is not &quot;inexorable, inevitable or destined&quot; but a surprising detour from a  relatively stable economic order that reigned for several millennia.<br>\nI like this premise, as it favors <a href=\"https://nilsgilman.substack.com/p/thinking-historically-about-the-future\">contingency over the more often used agency- and structure-focused approaches to history</a>.</p>\n<p>Reading the book I realized I really needed an updated in 18th and 19th century history (in particular in regards to the US). And in relation to Appleby's intention I realized that my understanding of &quot;Capitalism&quot; indeed was a very naturalized one.</p>\n<p>So going back to square one and asking &quot;What is Capitalism?&quot;, this is what I took from Appleby as a universal and culture-neutral definition:</p>\n<ol>\n<li>Capitalism requires <em>capital</em>, which is private Money invested expecting a profit, instead of Money being spend or hoarded</li>\n<li>Capitalism generates <em>profits</em> by transforming production itself, instead of mere trading of goods from a stable production apparatus</li>\n<li>Capital-driven economies are called Capital-<em>ism</em> when investment is the primary society-shaping force</li>\n</ol>\n<p>To arrive at what we have today, there is a whole lot of contingent elements we have to add:</p>\n<ul>\n<li>the teleological claim that all nations were climbing some kind of developmental ladder towards the anglo-saxon machine age ideal</li>\n<li>the idea that markets should be free and self-regulated</li>\n<li>consumer-culture as a key driver of economic growth</li>\n<li>the internalization of capitalist investment logics and personal risk-taking as a mainstream mindset of self-improvement and wanting &quot;more&quot; -&gt; this is where Appleby rejects Adam Smiths framing of these traits as innate human nature</li>\n<li>the organizational concept of big-corporate serving as independent legal entitites with limited liability and a professional managerial class</li>\n<li>the specific cultural biases of the US settler mindset: weak governments, appreciation of homogenized material culture,  cheap labor provided by slaves and immigrants</li>\n<li>burning composted dinosaurs to boost everything even further</li>\n</ul>\n<p>If we zoom in on the words, this is how it could be distinguished:</p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>capitalism</strong> = the universal, culture-neutral technical definition from above</li>\n<li><strong>Capitalism</strong> = the naturalized brandname of the English/US-flavored capitalism that has dominated the 19th and 20th century</li>\n<li><strong>this-kind-of-capitalism</strong> = a construction that signifies contingency of one historic form of capitalism\nA nice aspect: <em>capitalisms</em> works as plural, but <em>Capitalisms</em> seem impossible (thanks to Claude for this one).</li>\n</ul>\n<p>Now Appleby also contrasts Capitalism™️ against other capitalisms. We may consider this as alternative contingency layers put on top of the capitalist core idea.</p>\n<p>Throughout the book, Germany is frequently used as example for such an alternative flavour, with some essential differences:</p>\n<ul>\n<li>German capitalism relied more on financing by large national banks than on stock markets, with a more patient longterm investment motivation and often shared equity interests</li>\n<li>Early German capitalism relied more on deep research based scientific specialization, enabled by an integrated ecosystem of state-funded university education, laboratories and corporations cooperating. In contrast, US and UK (at least initially) seem to have focused less on deep tech and more on boosting productivity</li>\n<li>German capitalism gave cartels a legal status, serving to stabilize prices in the market by coordination between cartel members. This softened the turmoils of competition, reduced mergers into giant corporations but also reduced innovative impulses</li>\n<li>German welfare laws reduced the pressure for workers to emigrate to the US. This made firing people much harder and created a cushion for workers that were let go</li>\n<li>Germany also developed the GmbH (private limited liability companies) to support a diversity of middle sized businesses and prevent heavy consolidation in single sectors</li>\n<li>post-war Germany developed its own version of Big Corporate, with more comitee- than individual-genius-driven decision making</li>\n</ul>\n<p>This characterisation of German flavoured capitalism fascinates me. Most of these traits are still active today and combined, these shape the way German economy works, showing both its specific strengths and weaknesses. At the one hand, German capitalism has lots of features that soften the worst edges of unregulated competition and capital accumulation. On the other hand, these specifics also create a dampening effect to the upsides of this economic system. The floor and the ceiling are less distant in the German version of capitalism.</p>\n<p>It strikes me that the German specifics of capitalism are much more present in German mainstream discourse than the universal features of vanilla capitalism. While I know about the advantages of all the buffering elements in the German economy, I now see the disadvantages of this specific perspective more clearly. I think the German understanding of Capitalism has largely formed around &quot;taming&quot;, &quot;prevention&quot; and &quot;protection&quot; against an ambigous force that might sweep away everything. I think the intuitive position of the average German would probably considered strongly <em>anti</em>-capitalist by US-american standards. Which is really weird, because the average German is also super conservative and considers a left-wing mayor in Berlin a greater thread to society than having fascists rule an entire state in Eastern Germany.</p>\n<p>To me it seems that an intuitive understanding of the core traits of capitalism (leverage private investment into transforming the modes of production) is only present within a relatively small business- and capital-adjacent elite that is so smug that the last economy-liberal party (FDP) representing this group has now disappeared into oblivion after years of embarrassing themselves with hypocritical takes on meritocracy.</p>\n<p>Reading <em>The Relentless Revolution</em> has changed my understanding of German economy in an interesting way. I now have a greater appreciation for the kinds of grass-roots capitalist economic acumen that I often observed by folks from the UK and US.</p>\n","content_hash":"sha256:1d3c6195436e6223a747b52adf2357974715f874b79046252d7381547bddd9dd","media":[],"transclusions":[],"changelog":[{"version":1,"at":"2026-10-31T06:33:52Z","note":null},{"version":2,"at":"2026-10-31T08:57:14Z","note":"Added heading"}]}